of the Black Sea 3
Gocha R. Tsetskhladze
At first glance such an early date for the lid
of a painted Boeotian (?) lekane is difficult
to associate with the main mass of archaic
material found on the site. The dozens of pieces
of Ionian and Attic pottery found date from the
late 6th century and the beginning of the 5th
century BC. The earliest archaeological level at
Chersonesus is datable 25-30 years after the
founding of the Dorian settlement in the first
quarter of the 5th century BC.
This time-gap of a quarter of a century spans
the period between the foundation and the
appearance of the first burials (Zedgenidze and
Savelya 1981; 198 la). In the northern part of
the city over 100 burials of the late 5th and
4th centuries BC have been studied. The burials
in other parts of the necropolis are also of
this date. In the necropolis in the northern
the city, however, scholars have identified five
burials in amphorae used as funerary urns.
Three were in amphorae from Samos dating from
the very beginning of the 5th century, one in an
amphora from Thasos and one in a proto-Thasian
amphora of the very late 6th century
BC. Thus the earliest burials appear to predate
the founding of the settlement, just as the
earliest settlement level does, by 25-30 years,
i.e. by a single generation.
The excavations of the last decade also brought
to light a series of 26 graffiti "ostraka"
from amphorae and black-glaze pottery. They are
inscriptions of male names, both with and
without patronymics, and they date from some
time during the 5th century. A comprehensive
study of them (Y. G. Vinogradov) has shown that
of the 26 "ostraka" containing 24
prosopographical units, the earliest two were
executed in the Megarian alphabet dating back
to 500-480 BC (Vinogradov and Zolotarev 1990,
103-9). Analysis of the remaining "ostraka"
has shown that from the second quarter of the
5th century the names are written in a more
legible Milesian alphabet, while the
predominance of Dorian personal names is
Dorians are represented by ten names, but four
names on three "ostraka" bear strongly
pronounced Ionic features.
The discovery of the "ostraka", dating from the
5th century BC, provided grounds for some
scholars to suggest that a new colony was
founded in the last quarter of the 6th century
in the south-west of the Crimea jointly by
lonians from Sinope and Dorians from Heraklea
(Vinogradov and Zolotarev 1990, 103-9). This
hypothesis would appear premature since there
is not yet adequate material for such a
far-reaching conclusion. We can only say with
confidence that at the site of Chersonesus,
founded in 422-421 BC, there existed a large
setlement which had been founded in the last
quarter of the 6th century BC by lonians. The
question as to the status of the settlement
still remains open, as does that regarding its
relationship to the later city of Chersonesus.
The city had probably been refounded by the
Dorians from Heraklea Pontica.25
It had always been thought that the first houses
at Chersonesus had been built of stone.
New excavations in the third sector of the
north-western part have, however, brought to
dwellings sunk into the rock. These were round
or oval in shape with earthen floors, hearths
and walls: those parts of the dugout protruding
above earth were made of mud-brick.
Amphorae have been found Herakleian, Mendean,
etc., many of which bear stamps dating
from the end of the 5th century BC. To this
period also date the large quantity of fragments
of black-glaze Attic and handmade pottery
(Zolotarev 1990). This means that the dugout
buildings are the earliest of the city, similar
to those of Berezan, Olbia, Panticapaeum,
Nymphaeum, etc. (Kryzhitskii 1982, 10-1). They
were in use between the end of the 5th
century and the first quarter of the 4th century
BC. Around the middle of the 4th century BC
stone buildings above ground were erected over
the rock dugouts.26
Conclusions: The Reasons for Colonization
This highly complex problem has been argued over
by scholars for more than 150 years.27 The
Greeks themselves tell us many times and in many
ways that they were forced to leave home
to search for a new place to live: they were
unwilling colonists, driven from home by various
disasters. Rarely is there explicit mention of
commercial or agricultural benefits that must
lured the colonists to explore new sites.
Instead, colonial narratives emphasize the
factors - natural, political, personal and
physical - that encouraged the colonists to
homeland (Dougherty 1993, 16-8).
I shall not dwell in detail on all the points in
this controversy (Kocybala 1978, 126-36).
They can be summarized in the words of J. Fine:
"Greek colonization of the Black Sea region
was of great importance for subsequent Greek
history. A huge area, rich in metals, timber,
grain, fish and many other products, was thus
opened to a Greek world, whose resources in
raw materials and food products were inadequate
for the constantly growing population. The
necessity to pay for those imports stimulated
the activity of Greek craftsmen - especially the
potters and metal-workers" (1983, 81).
Most scholars, following C. Roebuck (1959,
116-30), consider that the main reason behind
colonization of the Black Sea was interest in
the metal of the southern and eastern parts and
the grain of the North. Recent studies have
shown that these regions, in particular the
coast, were not all that rich in metal and
alternative reasons for colonization have to be
(Jesus 1978; cf. Treister 1988; 1992). A.
Shcheglov (Chtcheglov) in his highly detailed
analysis of the available written,
archaeological and palaeobotanical sources
the grain trade in the Black Sea region, ended
with the conclusion that the real picture did
match the generally accepted view of a
large-scale and well regulated Graeco-Scythian
trade in the 7th-5th centuries and later: "Such
trade was a myth that evolved in the minds of
modern scholars". He draws a convincing
conclusion that, if we accept as probable that
was exported from Greek centres along the north
coast of the Black Sea in the 7th-5th
centuries, then it could have been grain that
was grown in the chora of those cities rather
acquired from the population of the steppe and
wooded steppe zones. In any case, the export
of grain from any centre on the north coast of
the Black Sea could not have been a permanent
or regular phenomenon that continued without
interruption and always on a significant scale
(Chtcheglov 1990; cf. Noonan 1973a).
The reasons for colonization were never
exclusively agrarian, or commercial, or
with the need for metals on the one hand, or
with over-population on the other. There was a
whole range of reasons. Each mother-city had its
own reasons for sending out colonies
(Blavatskii, Koshelenko and Kruglikova 1979).
First, it is important to analyse the metropolis
and the reasons that might have obliged the
Greeks to emigrate, and then look for reasons in
the region where the colonies had been founded -
natural resources and local conditions
(Koshelenko and Kuznetsov 1992). This is the
appropriate order in which to approach this
question rather than to start with the natural
Virtually all the colonies in the Black Sea
region were founded by Miletus.28 What
compelled Milesians to seek their fortune beyond
the confines of lonia, which became
involved in the colonization process later than
the other cities of homeland Greece? We must
remember that the Ionian poleis were situated in
favourable geographical conditions and
possessed large expanses of fertile land (Hdt.
I. 142). Herodotus refers to Miletus as "the
of lonia" (V. 28).
At the end of the 8th century the Ionian poleis
began advancing deep into the mainland,
enlarging their territory. Miletus pushed back
its boundaries up the river valley twenty or
miles (Cook J. 1968, 35). Expansion of this kind
was typical of the other Ionian poleis. After
the Mermnad dynasty had been established (c.
675), clashes began between Lydia and the
Greeks (Dandamaev 1989,1Q-A-). The next Lydian
dynasty, that of the Gyges, continued to
pursue a hostile policy and its campaigns
against Miletus and other cities (Hdt. I.
Particularly unfortunate was the outcome of the
war waged by Alyattes against Miletus (Hdt.
I. 16-18). His successor Croesus was known for
his hostile stance towards most Greek cities
(Hdt. 1. 26-28).
The purpose of Lydia's aggression was to seize
agricultural land (Hdt. I. 73). The main
result of the Graeco-Lydian wars was the
curtailing of the possessions of the Ionian
including Miletus. The expansion of Lydia's
territory led to a restructuring of the economy
and foreign policy of the Ionian poleis. When
extension of land became out of the question
(and existing possessions had been reduced) the
lonians began to search for overseas colonies,
and trade was to become one of their major
activities (Cook J. 1962, 50; Akurgal 1962,
Miletus' loss of part of its chora led to a grim
struggle within the polls itself (Hdt. V. 28-29)
(Jeffery 1976, 214). The very existence of part
of the civilian population was under threat
when discussion was underway as to how existing
land ought be redistributed. One of the
most radical solutions was emigration. At that
time there was only one region that had not yet
been colonized by other Greek cities - the Black
Sea - and it was precisely towards Pontus
that Miletus looked.
The Milesian colonies appeared after the middle
of the 7th century, when Lydia had
already begun its expansion. This is the first
stage of Greek penetration of the Black Sea.
Miletus founded only seven settlements - on its
northern, southern and western coasts. They
were all small and situated on islands or
peninsulae. Most probably they were designed to
serve as bases for future reconnaissance. Their
purpose was to collect information about those
lands and to examine possibilities for further
colonizing. Cautiously, they sought to forge
relations with the local population of
Scythians, Thracians etc. In the 7th century few
are to be found on the native sites: relations
clearly expanded rapidly in the 6th century.
The long struggle for land between Miletus and
Lydia always led to losses for Miletus. It
came to an end at the beginning of the 6th
century when Miletus was obliged to accept a
treaty that reduced its possessions (Hdt. 1.
25). This led to an internal crisis and one of
methods used to resolve it was emigration. New
waves of emigrants set off for the shores of
Pontus. This is the second stage of the Greek
colonization of the Black Sea.
The crisis in Miletus ended for a time and
relations between Lydia and Greece were
friendly, with Lydia coming under the influence
of Greek culture (Dandamaev 1989, 21-2;
Hanfmann 1978). The flowering of Miletus was not
to last for long. In the middle of the 6th
century disaster struck again: this time dealt
by the Persian king, who began to conquer the
Greek cities of Asia Minor (Dandamaev 1989,
23-8). Once again the lonians were obliged to
send off new colonies to Pontus. This is the
third stage of the colonization of the Black
The written sources make it quite clear, for
example, that the Phocaeans and Teans were
fleeing so as to avoid Persian conquest and
enslavement: the Teans founded Abdera in Thrace
(Hdt. 1. 168-169) and Phanagoria in the
Kimmerian Bosporus about 542 (Arrian, Byth., fr.
56 Roos). This did not mark the end of forced
emigration. After the lonians had been defeated
in their revolt against the Persians, in the
first quarter of the 5th century, they were
once again to flee from their native cities (a
fourth stage of colonization).29
The constant armed incursions by the Lydian
kings against the Greek cities of Asia Minor,
on which they embarked not long before the end
of the 7th century, had the most disastrous
consequences for the Greeks. Their cities had
been founded in geographically advantageous
locations and, unlike the poleis of mainland
Greece, did not suffer from a shortage of
land. Now they were not only robbed of a chance
to extend their territory but had also lost
part of their chora. To make matters worse, some
of the cities had been seized and destroyed
by the Lydians. Such was the fate of Smyrna, for
example (Hdt. I. 16). Trial and tribulation
were also to be the lot of Miletus, whose lands
were laid waste over the course of many years.
Similar examples could be cited in relation to
other poleis. All this gave rise to a crisis in
lonia, a crisis which was reflected in a
shortage of the very means of subsistence, above
a shortage of land. Each polls sought its own
solution. One involved extension of trading so
as to obtain food, but trade could not
compensate for the losses resulting from
hostilities. Trade alone was not enough to feed
a substantial section of the hungry (if not
starving) population, which, in addition, was
threatened by death or slavery. There is no
that at critical moments in their history many
Ionian poleis had to resolve to take the one
remaining step open to them which could provide
a fundamental solution to their problem -
to leave their homeland and settle elsewhere.
As G. Koshelenko and V. Kuznetsov observed: "An
important consideration here was that
the Ionian polls, as a result of all this, had
to lower itself one or more steps beneath the
of culture which it would have achieved by the
time the struggle against Lydia began, or later.
Consequently, the Ionian Greeks were obliged not
only to endure economic losses and, as a
result, live in conditions of growing social
tension in the cities, but also renounce the
prosperity and culture (in the broad sense of
the term) to which they were accustomed. This
meant that the very principles underlying the
existence of the polls were under threat. By
setting up their apoikiai the Greeks not only
delivered themselves from physical destruction
and slavery, from economic and social problems,
but also endeavoured to return to their earlier
way of life and civilization befitting a polls"
I am extremely grateful to Professor Sir John
Boardman for his comments and advice. I am
very proud to have been his first East European
pupil. I consider this a real honour and it is
with great pleasure that I dedicate this essay
to my Teacher, who has done so much for me
since I first arrived in Oxford. I should like
to thank Professor G. Koshelenko (my former Ph.
D. supervisor in Moscow) for his support while I
was writing this paper and for the new
information he supplied me with about
excavations on the north coast of the Black Sea.
J. Hind's publications in AR of reports about
new discoveries on the Black Sea are always a
helpful guide to what has been done. I am
grateful to Mrs K. Judelson and Dr J. F.
for their assistance in the preparation of the
text. Finally, I should like to express my
to my mentors and friends in Oxford (Professor
F. Millar and Dr 0. Murray) and to the many
people who attended this lecture in the Ruskin
Lecture Theatre of the Ashmolean Museum,
Oxford (1 March, 1994).
1. The cautious position of the archaeologists
is voiced: Boardman 1980, 238-55.
2. J. Boardman's main conclusion at the end of
this article reflects the actual situation as we
which exists today on this question and the
differences of opinion between archaeologists
"Archaeologists will welcome secure evidence for
the discovery of Geometric Greek material on
Sea shores and will join historians in
speculation about how it arrived there, in the
hands of Greeks or
of others. But we are still waiting, and
patience is no lesser archaeological virtue than
(Boardman 1991, 389).
3. This paper was given at a workshop entitled
"Greek and Roman Settlements on the Black Sea"
held at the
95th Annual Meeting of the Archaeological
Institute of America, Washington D.C., December
papers given at this workshop are to be
published: G. R. Tsetskhladze (Ed.), Greek and
on the Black Sea Coast (Issue no. 1 of the
series: G. R. Tsetskhladze (Ed.), Colloquenda
Bradford, Loid Publishing), Bradford, 1994.
4. In recent years the archaeology of the Black
Sea has become very popular in the West and in
General articles on the excavations in the Black
Sea region have long been traditional in AR
1962-63; 1971-72; 1983-84; 1990-91; 1992-93). A
similar practice was begun by AJA (see: 97
521-63); REA is to publish my article on recent
excavations in the eastern part of the Black Sea
(with review of the literature) in 1994.
Professor W. Schuller (Konstanz) and Professor
(Besancon) are publishing not only separate
articles in the Xenia series and in DHA, but
devoted to specific regions and cities on the
Black Sea. Professor J. Fossey (Montreal) and
Caratzas (Publisher, New York) have inaugurated
a series of monographs on the Black Sea.
special journals were set up - Das Schwarzes
Meer and Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to
(Leiden, E. J. Brill) [The first issue of this
journal appeared when the present volume was
already in press.
For this reason I was unable to make use of the
articles and new material published in it] - and
series was launched entitled Colloquenda Pontica
(Bradford, Ed. G. R. Tsetskhladze). J. Hind is
a Chapter on the colonization of the Black Sea
for a collection of articles on colonization
(Leiden, E. J.
Brill, Ed. I. Malkin). Reviews of new research
have also been published: J. Irmscher and D.
(Eds.), Griechische Stadte und einheimische
Volker des Schwarzmeergebietes (Berlin 1961); H.
(Ed.), Die Geschichte des Altertums in Spiegel
der sowjetischen Forschung (Darmstadt 1980),
Les Villes grecques de la Mer Noire. Olbia,
Panticapee, Chersonese (Les Dossiers
Decembre 1993. No. 88, 1984 was devoted to the
archaeology of the eastern Black Sea region). At
present time we are threatened by the pleasant
danger of an explosion of information on Black
archaeology. In order to help scholars and
students a bibliographical reference manual is
(J. Fossey and G. R. Tsetskhladze, Bibliography
of the Archaeology of the Black Sea, McGill
Montreal (Classical Archaeology and History
Companions)). The following general books on the
have ben published: M. Koromila (Ed.), The
Greeks in the Black Sea from the Bronze Age to
Twentieth Century (Athens 1991) and J. Bouzek,
Studies of Greek Pottery in the Black Sea Area
1990) (See: Reviews on Bouzek by J. Hind in JHS
113 (1993), 230-1 and by J. Boardman in Gnomon,
65. 6 (1993), 564-5). New general books are
being prepared: G. R. Tsetskhladze, Greeks in
the Black Sea
and Romans in the Black Sea (London and New
York, Routledge). See also: B. Isaac, The Greek
Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian
Conquest (Leiden, E. J. Brill 1986). An
important review of
the literature has been published by T.
Sulimirski, "Greek Colonization and the Early
Iron Age East of
the Volga", BIA 11 (1973), 1-40. For a review of
new literature on the northern coast of the
(1980-1989), see: A. A. Maslennikov and A. E.
Medovichev (Eds.), Problems of the History and
of the Northern Black Sea Region in Classical
Antiquity (Moscow 1991) (in Russian); A.
Grecs dans Ie Font: de Nouvelles Monographies",
DHA 17.2 (1991), 127-32; B. Nadel, "The Euxine
Pontos as seen by the Greeks", DHA 17.2 (1991),
5. This "academic war" has become all the more
intense as a result of nationalist emotions.
(See: P. L. Kohl
and G. R. Tsetskhladze, "Nationalism, Politics
and the Practice of Archaeology in the
Caucasus", P. L.
Kohl and C. Fawcett (Eds. ), Nationalism,
Politics and the Practice of Archaeology,
Cambridge, U. P.
6. Some scholars assume that Balkan-Anatolian
connections existed in the Late Chalcolithic
period (see: L.
Thissen, "New Insights in Balkan-Anatolian
connections in the Late Chalcolithic: Old
Evidence from the
Turkish Black Sea littoral", Anatolian Studies
43 (1993), 207-37).
7. There is an extensive literature devoted to
these stone anchors: H. Frost, Stone Anchors as
Clues to Bronze
Age Trade Routes, Thracia Pontica I (1982),
280-9; K. Porojanov, Les relations entre les
grecques et les etats thraces du littoral
occidental de la Mer Noire Vir-V s. av. n. e.
Thracia Pontica III
(1986), 158-65; J. Hind, Archaeology of the
Greek and Barbarian Peoples around the Black Sea
(1982-1992), AR for 1992-93, 84; M. Lazarov, La
Navigacion Ie long du Littoral Thrace du Pont
avant la colonization grecque, Dritter
Internationaler Thrakologischer Kongress, Vol.
II (Sofia 1984),
63-8; K. Porogeanov, Navigation et Commerce de
la population du Littoral Europeen de la Mer
de la Thrace ancienne avec les peuples de la
Mediterranee Orientale (XVI-XII s. av. n. e.).
8. After the expedition of T. Severin to test
the credibility of the voyage of the Argonauts
to Colchis, these
authors refer to that voyage as the "new
Argonauts" and adhere more firmly than ever to
their opinion that
the myth reflects reality (see: T. Severin, The
Jason Voyage. The Quest/or the Golden Fleece
1985)). Moreover, some distinguished Georgian
archaeologists consider the opinion of Severin
not a scholar) the absolute last word on this
problem, quoting him as a mantra, e.g. D.
"The leader of the expedition of the new
Argonauts, Tim Severin, after acquainting
himself with the
city-site and the collection of finds in
Kobuleti, commented: 'At last everything fell
into place. Without
doubt this was the final confirmation of the
legend of Jason, the detail which no-one could
the event - neither Apollonius Rhodius, nor
other authors who wrote about the Golden Fleece.
. . Every
detail of the legend found its archaeological
confirmation (my italics). What had seemed to us
to be no
more than an old fairy-tale at the beginning of
the "Jason Voyage" suddenly emerged as reality
Georgia, 1,500 miles from the starting point at
lolkos (Volos)'" (D. Khakhutaishvili, Les sites
archeologiques sur les terres submersibles des
fleuves Tcholoki et Otchkamouri, in Le
9. The literature on the myth of the Argonauts
is enormous. For recent studies with exhaustive
see: Apollonius of Rhodes. Argonautica. Book HI.
Edited by R. L. Hunter (Cambridge 1989), 1^3; T.
Gautz, Early Greek Myth. A Guide to literary and
Artistic Sources (Baltimore and London 1993),
R. Hunter, The Argonautica of Apollonius.
Literary Studies (Cambridge 1993).
10. In Colchis burials of the local nobility
contain an abundance of golden jewellery of the
(Lordkipanidze 1979, 85-100).
11. On the depiction of mythological subjects in
art, see: J. Boardman, Herakles, Theseus and
D. Kurtz and B. Sparkes (Eds.), The Eye of
Greece (Cambridge 1982), 2-28; ibid., Herakles,
in E. Bohr
and W. Martin (Eds.), Studien wr Mythologie und
Vasenmalerei (Mainz 1986), 127-32; T. H.
Art and Myth in Ancient Greece (London 1990); H.
A. Shapiro, Myth into Art. Poet and Painter in
Classical Greece (London and New York 1994).
12. I wish to express my thanks to Professor J.
Neils for her help and hospitality, and for
question of the depiction of the myth of the
Argonauts in Greek art during my visit to
13. I should like to thank Dr T. Mannack and Ms
M. Mendonca of the Beazley Archive, Oxford
for their help.
14. The myths connected with the other part of
the Black Sea region were more famous in Greek
and literature (LIMC 1, 586-653; L1MC 5, 713-26;
J. Neils, The Group of the Negro Alabastra: A
in Motif Transferal, Antike Kunst, 1980, 23.1,
13-23; M. F. Vos, Scythian Archers in Archaic
Vase-Painting (Groningen 1963), 66-9, 93-127; J.
Henderson, Timeo Danaos: Amazons in Early Greek
Art and Pottery, in S. Goldhill and R. Osborne
(Eds.), Art and Text in Ancient Greek Culture
1994), 85-137; M. V. Skrzhinskaya, Ancient Greek
Folk-lore and Literature about the Northern
Sea Region (Kiev 1991), 11-72 (in Russian); F.
V. Shelov-Kovedyaeav, A Berezan Hymn to the
and Achilles, VDI 3 (1990), 49-62; G. Hedreen,
The Cult of Achilles in the Euxine, Hesperia 60
15. For the stage of the activity of the Greek
settlers in the Black Sea, and in particular the
northern part of
the region, see: V. P. Yailenko, Archaic Greece,
in E. S. Golubtsova, L. P. Marinovich et al,
Ancient Greece, Vol. 1 (Moscow 1983), 140-1 (in
Russian); G. A. Koshelenko and V. D. Kuznetsov,
Greek Colonization of the Bosporus (in
Connection with Certain General Problems of
G. A. Koshelenko (Ed.), Essays on the
Archaeology and History of the Bosporus (Moscow
16. About some late 7th century East Greek
pottery from Amisos, see: Hind 1984, 96; 1993,
17. We know nothing about other Milesian
colonies in the southern part of the Black Sea
Kotyora, Tios and Sesamos.
18. Their modern geographical location (Berezan,
for instance, is an island) does not correspond
ancient one (See: N. Panin, Black Sea Coastline
Changes in the last 1.000 Years. A new attempt
identifying the Danube mouth as described by the
Ancients, Dacia 27 (1983), 175-84; B. Dimitrov
A. Orachev, The Harbour System along the West
Pontic coast (II-I millennia BC), Arkheotogiya 1
Sofia), 1-11; M. V. Agbunov, Classical
Archaeology and Palaegeography, KSIA 191 (1987),
3-6; I. V.
Bruyako and V. A. Karpov, Ancient Geography and
Fluctuations of the Sea Levels, VDI1 (1992),
On underwater archaeological investigations,
see: G. Gamkrelidze, Hydroarchaeology in the
Republic (the Colchian Littoral), The
International Journal of Nautical Archaeology
21.2 (1992), 101-9;
A. V. Okorokov, Development of Underwater
Archaeological Investigations in Russia and the
Soviet Union, The International Journal of
Nautical Archaeology 22.3 (1993), 267-73; J. C.
Opportunities and Challenges in the Black Sea,
The INA Quarterly 20.3 (1993), 12-6.
19. This question is a focus of intense
controversy (See: Kocybala 1978, 182-4;
Vinogradov Y. G. 1989,
26-31). The book by S. Solovev (present Director
of the State Hermitage's Berezan Archaeological
Expedition) about archaic Berezan is currently
being prepared for publication as a
to the Journal Colloquenda Pontica.
20. Closed vessels of the Late Wild Goat Type,
Ionian kylikes and cups, painted cups from Chios
Kuznetsov 1991, 33).
21. It should be noted that V. D. Kuznetsov is
the pioneer among Russian archaeologists in
using the 'new'
terminology, classification and dating for early
Greek pottery, which have been generally
'western' archaeological literature for the last
25 years. Together with P. Dupont he is
preparing a book
about early Greek pottery on the northern coast
of the Black Sea.
22. Virtually all large cities in the Black Sea
region began to mint their own coins. See: P. 0.
Coins of Olbia (Kiev 1988), 27-55 (in Russian);
V. A. Anokhin, Coin Circulation in the Bosporan
Kingdom (Kiev 1986), 5-30 (in Russian) (For a
critique of many of the conclusions this author
N. A. Frolova, The Problems of Minting Coins in
the Bosporus, VDl 1 (1988), 12 2-43); M. J.
Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum, Vol. IX, The British
Museum, Part 1: The Black Sea (London 1993),
23. The cities on the west coast of the Black
Sea also turned into large cities. See: Schuller
Alexandrescu and Schuller 1990, 9-102. (This
book also provides a bibliography on Histria and
on pp. 285-308).
24. On recent archaeological investigations in
Georgia, see: D. D. Kacharava, Archaeological
on the Eastern Black Sea Littoral, 1970-80, AR
for 1983-84, 98-101; ibid.. Archaeology in
1980-1990, AR for 1990-91, 78-86; Tsetskhladze
1994a. For a bibliography of Georgian
literature, 1976-86, see: D. Kacharava and V.
Tolordava, La Colchide antique. Bibliographic,
25. A. A. Zedgenidze fiercely opposes any
suggestions to the effect that Chersonesus was
(Zedgenidze 1993). V. Kuznetsov holds that it is
necessary to set the foundation of the early
still further back in time and he suggests the
second quarter of the 6th century BC as a
(Kuznetsov 1991, 36, note 42). Recently, the
special article devoted to the lekana from
published. M. Zolotarev confirms his previous
identification of this vase as of Boeotian
origin (M. I.
Zolotarev, A Boeotian Lekanis from Chersonesus,
Ancient Civilisations from Scythia to Siberia
1(1), 1994, 112—17). J. Boardman, however, has
doubts about its Boeotian origin and thinks that
vase may be Attic, but the double frieze of
animals upon it recalls also the black figure
(J. Boardman, Olbia and Berezan: the Early
Pottery, in G. R. Tsetskhladze (Ed.) Greek
the Black Sea, Historia supplementary volume,